interview by MARK
GABRISH CONLAN
Copyright © 2012 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s
Newsmagazine • All rights reserved
The February
23 meeting of the San Diego Democrats for Equality featured a dramatic moment
when Will Rodriguez-Kennedy, former president of the San Diego County chapter
of the Log Cabin Club, a nationwide organization of Queer Republicans, came to
the front of the room. He sat at the speakers’ table and, with current
Democrats for Equality president Doug Case and former president Jeri Dilno
looking on, filled out a voter registration form and re-affiliated with the
Democratic Party.
Though only
24, Rodriguez-Kennedy is no stranger to the public eye. He first emerged in the
media in October 2010, when he unsuccessfully tried to re-enlist in the U.S.
Marine Corps following a court ruling that the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy
under which he’d been discharged was unconstitutional. The lawsuit, filed by
the national Log Cabin Club, was declared moot and thrown out by the courts
after an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act, passed by
Congress at the end of 2010, ended “don’t ask, don’t tell.”
That fall, he
also published an endorsement column on the gay-sd.com Web site in which he
supported openly Gay Republicans like Assembly candidate Ralph Denney (who lost
to openly Lesbian Democrat Toni Atkins in a strongly Democratic district) and
moderate straight Republicans like County Supervisor Ron Roberts. But he also
endorsed the controversial City Council candidate Lorie Zapf, despite her
having written e-mails to self-proclaimed “ex-Gay” James Hartline stating that
she didn’t think Queer people were qualified to hold elective office. “She definitely
has changed,” Rodriguez-Kennedy said of Zapf — who won, though her victory had
more to do with anti-union sentiment in her district than her relations with
the Queer community.
Rodriguez-Kennedy
left the Log Cabin Club presidency in April 2011 under a cloud after he
admitted using the club’s debit card for $100 worth of personal purchases.
“There was no problem,” he told San Diego CityBeat reporter Dave Maass — he repaid the club’s
account as soon as he realized what had happened — “but some on the board
thought that was an egregious mistake.” He also pointed to all his other
community involvements, including his membership on the board of San Diego
Pride and the San Diego County Veterans’ Advisory Council, and said that his
replacement as Log Cabin president, Vicki Kerley, was someone he’d hand-picked
to run as the club’s vice-president.
Just why
Rodriguez-Kennedy decided to leave the Republican Party has been a bit of a
mystery. At the February 23 Democrats for Equality meeting, his Pride board colleague
Jeri Dilno (who, ironically, also started her political life as a Republican!)
took credit for having brought him around and recruited him to switch parties.
(She also admitted that his dramatic re-registration at the meeting was
strictly for show; he’d already filled out and mailed in his new voter
registration form.) CityBeat
reported that the last straw had been the ascendancy of strongly anti-Queer
candidate Rick Santorum in this year’s race for the Republican Presidential
nomination. Zenger’s
decided to seek an interview with Rodriguez-Kennedy and get the story
firsthand.
Zenger’s: Tell me a little about your background, how you
got in the military, when you came out and when you entered politics.
Will
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I’m from New York City,
but I spent half my childhood between there and Orlando, Florida. I joined the
Marines when I was 17, right after I graduated from high school — I graduated
early — and I went to the Marine Corps and got stationed in Hawai’i, which was
a pretty good posting. We deployed to Iraq in 2007.
I knew I was Gay
when I was 15, but I kept it out of my military stuff. But there was a lance
corporal who was under me, a female, who didn’t like me at all. So she made up
the rumor that I was Gay, and that led me to getting discharged. I got
honorably discharged, so it was good — as good as you could possibly get — but
that situation, and my ignorance of the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy, led me
to do more research and get more active politically.
In 2008, when I
had just got out, I had gravitated to the Log Cabin Republicans after the
Clinton and Obama primary. I had met Hillary Clinton twice, and she was my
home-state Senator, so I was totally a Clinton fanatic. I decided to register
as a Republican because I felt disenfranchised when Clinton lost the primary. I
was really invested in that, and what really stuck with me was how they treated
Clinton, because there was a lot of negative campaigning against Clinton — not
from Obama himself, because he never went negative in the campaign, but a lot
of his surrogates were very negative towards Clinton, and there were a lot of
sexist things that came out.
I didn’t like
that, so I made my detour to the Republican Party there for a while. I got
active, became president of the local Log Cabin chapter, became a delegate to
the state party and an alternate to the Central Committee, and got active in
the LGBT [Queer] community. I came to the San Diego Pride board. I’m a county
commissioner on the Veterans’ Advisory Council. I do a lot of things.
I was always
sort of in the middle on a lot of things, because I’m young. There were a lot
of areas that I hadn’t formed opinions on, but towards the last year and a half
I’ve thought that the Republican Party was way too Right for me. I’ve never
liked the Tea Party. The worst arguments I’ve ever got into were with Tea Party
members. That was what started my path away from the Republican Party, and then
I left the Log Cabin Republicans. I have a lot of Democrat friends.
This year’s
Presidential primary was definitely the straw, because the only person I could
possibly see backing was Jon Huntsman. I like some of the things Ron Paul says,
but the other things are just crazy. Then we have [openly Gay City
Councilmember and Mayoral candidate] Carl DeMaio, locally, and if I’m on his
side there’s just no way I’m in the right place. So I decided to switch. I
really switched back, I should say.
Zenger’s: That’s kind of interesting, because to prepare
for this interview I re-read your commentary on the 2010 elections, and your
down-the-line Republican endorsements, including defending [City Councilmember]
Lorie Zapf against the charge of homophobia.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Yeah, I know. I had no problem saying that the
board had endorsed this person, the organization has done that. I didn’t vote
on a lot of those endorsements, because I was president. I was chairing
meetings, and endorsement meetings are usually done by the board. It’s really
different from the SDDE [San Diego Democrats for Equality], where you have the
general membership [voting on endorsements].
Lorie Zapf was
very nice to me. She had told me that she had changed, so I just took her at
face value, and at the time I was working for Carl DeMaio, so that shows you
just how lost I was.
Zenger’s: As I recall your article began with a kind of
half-hearted acknowledgment that the Republican Party was really not that
Gay-friendly, and I couldn’t help but think of the old joke that being a Gay
Republican is like being a Jewish Nazi.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I wouldn’t say that. I’m always really hesitant to
invoke such strong language in that area, because when you think about what the
Nazis did to the Jewish community, the genocide, I never liked trying to make
those comparisons, but the positions of the Republican Party are not
Gay-friendly. It’s not really something you can say with a straight face.
The only thing
you can say to the salvation of the party is that there’s the younger
generation that looks like it’s changing. I think Dave Rolland from CityBeat said it best when he said to a group of moderate
Republicans, “You’re basically waiting for the old bigoted class of your party
to die.” There are a lot of young Republicans who are way more progressive in
their social leanings and more understanding. I mean, look at [Assemblymember
and Mayoral candidate] Nathan Fletcher, and you can see the difference between
him and, say, Rick Santorum, or even Carl DeMaio locally.
Zenger’s: There are two openly Queer people running for
Mayor of San Diego as Republicans [Carl DeMaio and Bonnie Dumanis]. Based on
your insight as the former chair, why did the Log Cabin Club reject both of
them and endorse the straight Republican, Nathan Fletcher?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I wasn’t the president when it was done, but from
what I understand, first of all, one of the Republican candidates didn’t attend
their pre-endorsement process. I think they did have a meeting
with Bonnie [Dumanis], but Carl DeMaio didn’t attend their endorsement process.
And if you’ll recall, Bonnie had said at that time that she wasn’t going to
campaign until 2012, and she didn’t really start campaigning until 2012. You
had CityBeat and other organizations
criticizing her for not campaigning earlier, like Carl DeMaio and Nathan
Fletcher.
I still support
Nathan Fletcher for Mayor. I guess this is a Marine bond, because Nathan
Fletcher is a Marine and he’s a good friend of mine. He’s pretty much the only
Republican I’ll support this year. When you look at positions on LGBT issues,
having been on the Central Committee, I know from the inside that if Carl goes
to a pro-Gay rally, or Bonnie goes to a pro-Gay rally, they get a pass because
they’re Gay. It’s just something that Republicans have factored into their
minds.
Nathan Fletcher
gets called a panderer when he does the right thing. impassioned plea on the
[California State Assembly] floor for “don’t ask, don’t tell” repeal is
definitely more than Carl or Bonnie have done. And if you look at recent LGBT
events — like the Imperial Court coronation or the Victory Fund fundraiser, Bonnie
and Nathan have been there. Carl DeMaio was absent for those events.
I think the
reason they didn’t endorse Bonnie was because she wasn’t campaigning as hard as
Nathan. And Carl DeMaio didn’t get the endorsement because, a) he’s had a lot
of bad, negative encounters with some of those members of the board, and b) he
didn’t attend the pre-endorsement process. He’s been very hostile towards some
of the members of that board.
Zenger’s: So you’re describing your political odyssey not
from Republican to Democrat, but from Democrat to Republican to Democrat.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Well, I wouldn’t say Democrat, because the first
time I was old enough to vote, I registered as an independent. This will be the
first time [I will vote as a registered Democrat].
Zenger’s: Aside from the party labels, how would you
describe your politics now? The Republicans are always saying they’re for small
government, lower taxes, fewer regulations — at least fewer regulations on
business: a lot more
regulations on people’s personal lives.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: For the most part I’m a progressive. When you talk
about social change and social justice and things like that, I’m definitely
progressive. I’m pro-Gay, pro-woman, and when it comes to immigration I support
the DREAM Act and stuff like that. The only Republican tendencies I do have
that remain is I’m very supportive of the Second Amendment, and even there I
understand there needs to be reasonable common-sense restrictions. Obviously
someone shouldn’t have a 50-calibre assault weapon.
Financially, I
think that the government has a responsibility to promote the general welfare.
That’s in the Constitution, and so I’m cool with that. But we have to address
debt things. We have to figure out ways to finance the social safety net and
things for the social good. I hate to say it, because in the Republican Party
this is blasphemy, but you have to tax higher-income earners, and you have to
close the corporate loopholes that allow companies like General Electric not to
pay taxes at all in some years. That’s unacceptable. We have to tax the rich to
some degree more than [they are now]. Even Warren Buffett says he could be
taxed more, and that’s fine. He’s a billionaire.
Zenger’s: Guess who the last President who seriously tried
to close the corporate tax loopholes was: Ronald Reagan. So it’s not like this
is an unheard-of position in the Republican Party, although it seems to be so
now.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Well, if you look at it now, Ronald Reagan could
not be elected in this party. There’s no way. You ever watch The Daily Show,
Al Madrigal said, “Nobody alive or fictitious could actually be supported by
the Tea Parties now, because Ronald Reagan was a Hollywood Commie who raised
taxes, grew government and gave amnesty to illegal immigrants. He ain’t allied
with these people.” And it’s true.
The party of
today is nothing like the Reagan coalition, or even the Goldwater coalition.
There are a lot of old Goldwater people who are now Democrats. They’re nothing
like Eisenhower or Theodore Roosevelt, who were progressives. They’re nothing
like Lincoln. Those people have more in common with the Democratic Party today
than they do with the Republican Party today. I mean, if you look at their
social policy, it’s more theocratic and it’s borderline on fascism.
Zenger’s: I thought you said you were going to avoid
comparisons like that! Why would you say “bordering on fascism”?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I wouldn’t compare them to a fascist regime, but I
would say their policies are corporatist. They’re very favorable to
corporations, and they’re very restrictive on the social lives of the populace.
And that’s very authoritarian. They’re always talking about “religious
liberties.” All right. They’re defining marriage from a Christian perspective.
What if there’s another religion that has a different view?
Zenger’s: That sounds like my last editorial, where I
said, “Where’s our
religious liberty?” Where’s the religious liberty of churches that want to marry same-sex couples?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Absolutely, absolutely. And there are. There are
MCC and things like that, and the Episcopalian Church that has an openly Gay
bishop.
Zenger’s: And the United Church of Christ, which has done
TV commercials with same-sex couples saying, “We welcome you.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: We don’t see much of that. And when you saw the
panels in the Congressional hearing on contraception [chaired by North County
Republican Congressmember Darrell Issa], all you saw was a bunch of older
Catholic men. I think there were a couple of rabbis. When they’re talk about
“religious freedom,” it is a very specific brand of religious freedom. And
that’s not in keeping with what I believe about this government and the
principles that founded us, or why the First Amendment exists: Congress shall
make no law regarding religion. That means for or against. There is
a separation of church and state, and anybody who says differently is wrong.
And these
“conservatives” aren’t really Constitutional conservatives. Ron Paul would be a
Constitutional conservative. The others are religious conservatives. Their
primary document, which defines their beliefs, starts, “In the beginning.” It
doesn’t start, “We the people.” And that’s a significant difference between the
conservatives of Barry Goldwater’s day and the conservatives of today. That’s a
significant difference. The conservatives of Goldwater’s day were more in line
with classical liberalism.
Zenger’s: In your days as the Log Cabin Club president, in
your published commentary, you opposed the proposal on the ballot to increase
the city sales tax. Is that still a position you would take?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Yes, at the moment I would oppose the sales tax.
The people have spoken on that. My position was closer to what Donna Frye’s was
when she first voted against the sales tax, when she said, “We haven’t done
enough on the city side to then ask the people for a sales tax.” But now that
labor has made some concessions and they’re about to save us $700 million without
this pension reform, I do definitely oppose this pension reform. There are a
million problems with that.
I don’t think
it’s necessary [to change the city pension system] now. I think labor has come
and made some concessions, and they’re willing to bargain in good faith. And I
think that nobody really wants the city to fail, because everybody loses then.
So these characterizations by the Right that, “Oh, Big Labor is running City
Hall,” to say that labor wants to run City Hall into the ground, and that’s
their purpose, that’s just crazy. It’s crazy talk. Nobody wants the city to
fail, because they work for the city and that’s their livelihoods.
Zenger’s: I know your “frenemy,” Carl DeMaio, said, “I
want to be the Scott Walker of San Diego.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Yes, he’s actually used the language. He wants San
Diego to be the Wisconsin of the West.
Zenger’s: And whereas Scott Walker is fighting for his
political life right now, Carl DeMaio is at this point the favored candidate
for Mayor, the one who’s leading in all the polls. Why do you think his agenda
is so popular?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: It’s popular among his base. If you look at Carl
DeMaio’s poll numbers, they’ve never been above 25-ish threshold. And even if
it reached 30, that would still say that 70 percent of San Diegans oppose his
position. So when Carl DeMaio enters the general election — if he
enters the general election, and I would project that he would — it’s most
likely that these people whose position is “Anybody but Carl DeMaio” will
coalesce around that person, and that will be the more popular position. So I
would disagree with the point that he is “popular,” overall at least.
Zenger’s: He will almost certainly end up in the runoff.
He will probably place first in the primary.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Possibly. Most likely.
Zenger’s: And a lot of it would seem to depend on who
places second.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: If [the only major Democrat in the race,
Congressmember Bob] Filner campaigns, he doesn’t have to place first, because
he does have a Democratic base. If you look at the numbers, everybody pretty
much has 25 to 30 percent. Carl has 25 to 30 percent. Bob could have 25 to 30
percent. Then the rest can coalesce around a third candidate.
Zenger’s: I did want to ask you about this odd
mini-scandal you were involved in, that cost you the presidency of the Log
Cabin Club. From what I know about how the Right thinks, there will probably be
people who’ll say, “Oh, well, he just got pushed out of the presidency, and
that’s what embittered him, and he decided to get his revenge by becoming a Democrat.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy:
Well, that would be a mischaracterization
because I waited so long to do it. If I had done it immediately, that would
make sense. I’m still really cool with members of the leadership of the Log
Cabin Club. What happened with Log Cabin was that I had suffered a very bitter
divorce with my partner of two years, and so I accidentally made a mistake. I
came clean, and I actually hand-picked my successor. Vicki Kerley was my
vice-president. I had her elected vice-president. So there’s really no
relation.
Zenger’s: What would you say to people, particularly on
the Left, who say there’s really no difference between the Republican and
Democratic parties?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: There are a lot of people who have that feeling,
especially people of my generation: “There’s no difference. It’s like, when I
go to the ballot box, I’m choosing the lesser of two evils.” Sometimes that is
the case. And that happens in a two-party system. But remember we’re a
candidate-centered democracy. It’s not like Britain, where you vote for parties
rather than candidates you like. Here in America, individuals can actually
change the party system and have substantial impact on the party system.
So to say that
the parties are two of the same — I could see where people are coming from, but
there are significant ideological differences that exist today. Now if you look
at the parties, they’ve switched ideologies at some point. I mean, all you have
to do is think back to the Dixie Democrats. Party platforms change, and they
change depending on which people show up. So to say that they’re the same, I
would disagree.
Zenger’s: What most of the people who say that —
particularly the ones on the Left, the ones in places like the Occupy movement
— are saying is that both parties rely on wealthy individuals and corporations
to finance their campaigns, and therefore they are both doing the bidding of
Wall Street, doing what the 1 percent want them to do, and both come together
for things like bailing out the financial sector.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: A Republican-led initiative! TARP was Republican.
Zenger’s: Making sure that, whatever happens, the huge
banks remain whole, and in fact there are fewer of them, and they are larger
now, than they were then. It was indeed a bipartisan program to deregulate the
economy as much as it was, starting with Jimmy Carter in the 1970’s and
continuing since. So that’s what they’re usually talking about when they say
that the parties are the same, particularly on the issues of finance and wealth
and income, and who gets taxed.
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I think I would agree with the 99-percenters in the
sense that this country went wrong when we started defining corporations as
individuals, and then equating free speech to monetary contributions. Through
super-PAC’s and things like that, we have a lot of opportunities now for people
like the three or four rich people who are backing either Newt Gingrich or Rick
Santorum, or insert candidate name here — and even Obama has some very rich
donors — to influence elections. I definitely things like Citizens United
v. Federal Elections Commission, I think
that was definitely a bad decision.
If corporations
are people, then we have to tax them like people — and we certainly don’t. We
have to stop a lot of things that corporations are getting away with. I hate it
every time I hear a clip of Mitt Romney saying, “Corporations are people too,
my friend,” I just want to scream, because that’s ridiculous. People are people. I have no problem with rich people
donating, but there must be a way to balance that, because then it’s not really
a democracy if we’re just allowing people to buy offices. I like public
financing.
Zenger’s: The counter-argument to that was expressed by
Justice Scalia in an earlier opinion that Justice Kennedy quoted in Citizens
United, that because the
corporations are the prime movers of our economy, they should have more of a political voice than anyone else.
[Scalia’s actual words were that any restriction on the power of corporations
to donate to elections “muffles the voices that best represent the most
significant segments of the economy.” Citizens United, p. 38.]
Rodriguez-Kennedy: That’s a terrible idea. It is keeping with Scalia’s
philosophy on this matter, but democracy is about people. And that’s what we
need to bring it back down to. That stuff is a danger to our democracy. When I
joined the Marine Corps, I swore an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution.
There’s nothing in the Constitution about corporatism and
corporate individualism, and I think that it was a mistake that the Supreme
Court took those positions and have now had those positions incorporated into
our current legal system. Citizens United
also took out one of my favorite candidates, so I guess I have a little bit of
bias there, because they did attack Hillary Clinton!
Zenger’s: That’s an interesting difference between our
perspectives. I was a long-time Democrat who was fiercely partisan for Obama
because Bill Clinton’s Presidency had been such a disappointment, the last thing I wanted was a rerun! And I also figured —
and I wrote this in an editorial at the time — that Hillary would have the Groundhog
Day factor working against her:
that people would vote thinking, “Do I really want the history books to say
that that run of Presidents was Bush, Clinton, Bush, Clinton?”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: That was definitely working against her, because
her name was definitely an Establishment name. It was an incumbent-sounding
name. Everyone knows “Clinton.” So I do think that worked against her, because
in that time frame an outsider was definitely what the people wanted.
Zenger’s: Do you think that Obama’s race has anything to
do with the venom with which the Republicans have attacked him, or is this kind
of a well-honed attack machine that they will push at anybody the Democrats put up?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I wouldn’t say it with Obama. I would say that when
racism plays a part in it, a lot of their positions on Latinos are closer to
racism. You have people who saying things like Newt Gingrich saying Spanish is
“the language of the ghetto,” and that gets a pass. There is a certain racist
tendency towards African-Americans that you get with Rick Santorum saying
something about African-Americans and welfare.
Zenger’s: He said, “I don’t want to make Black people’s
lives better by giving them somebody else’s money. I want to give them the
opportunity to go out and earn the money.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Despite the fact that white people make up the
majority of welfare rolls. That doesn’t make sense to me. But there are
racially charged statements like that that do exist. I’m not sure I would say
that it is purely racism that plays into the venom of the Republican Party. But
then again, if you look at the local Republican Party, I’m not sure that there
is a person of color on their executive board, and I think that a lack of
diversity in the party at least opens them up to that charge, and that
speculation. It has created the perception that there are racial charges in
their attacks, and by creating that perception, that is their fault, and they
should change. There needs to be more diversity in the Republican Party, that’s
for sure. Then they wouldn’t have all these problems.
Zenger’s: Though I’ve got the impression that as long as
you sign on to this extreme-Right agenda, they will accept you no matter what
you are. If you’re a Black person or a Latino or a woman or a Queer who signs
on to it, they’ll say, “Wow! We’re not against them. We’ve got this person.
We’ve got that person.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: You see, what bothers me about that perception is
that that’s what a lot of Carl DeMaio’s supporters are saying. “People like
Roger Hedgecock and Doug Manchester and the Caster family, they’re supporting
Carl DeMaio, so they must have changed. That’s a pro-Gay thing to do.” No,
that’s not a pro-Gay thing to do, to support Carl DeMaio. The
Casters and all them will still give to NOM [the National Organization for
Marriage], they’ll still give to take away marriage equality rights for LGBT
Americans. They are not changing their positions. They’ve just found a puppet
for them, that benefits them financially.
You’re talking
about moneyed interests who bankrolled taking away a right from hundreds of
thousands of LGBT people in California. I hate that position because people say
that as an “out” for Carl. I don’t think that them supporting a Gay candidate
necessarily means that they support Gay rights. And I don’t believe that
supporting a Gay candidate necessarily means you support Gay rights. Where was
Carl DeMaio on Proposition 8? He didn’t say anything until after Proposition 8
had already passed. Where was he? It was his responsibility as a leader. He may
not be the “Gay Councilmember,” but he still has a responsibility to his
community. I mean, I’m definitely condemning of that position.
Zenger’s: Yes, that does seem to be Carl’s attitude: “Let
Todd Gloria be the ‘Gay Councilmember.’ He’s representing the one-third Gay district. I don’t
have to represent Gays because that’s not my constituency.”
Rodriguez-Kennedy: I’ll tell you straight up that is
Carl’s attitude. Exactly. But you’ll see him in little photo ops when Todd
Gloria puts something forward, a Pride resolution or something like that.
You’ll see Carl DeMaio jump into the photo shot, that’s for sure.
Zenger’s: So what do you see as your future?
Rodriguez-Kennedy: Right now I work for LGBT Weekly. I’m
going to finish my degree in communications and I’m going to continue serving.
I have a passion for service. That’s why I joined the Marine Corps: I wanted to
serve my country. That’s why I serve on the Pride board and serving the
veterans’ community. I do like the idea of running for public office one day,
but right now I’m going to continue fighting for our rights: fighting for
LGBT’s, fighting for veterans, and see where that takes me in the future.