PBS's "Frontline" Re-Runs 2002 Show About Israel and Palestine in Wake of Hamas's Attack and Israel's Genocidal Response

by Mark Gabrish Conlan • Copyright © 2023 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger's Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

Last night (Tuesday, November 7) the PBS show Frontline re-ran a show about Israel and Palestine from June 27, 2002 called “Shattered Dreams: The Road from Oslo.” Obviously the re-run was occasioned by the current violence between Israelis and Palestinians kicked off by the reprehensible October 7 attacks on Israeli civilians, including the murder of 1,400 Israelis and the kidnapping of 240 as hostages, who were forcibly taken to Gaza and are being held there now, by fighters from the terrorist group Hamas. The show was produced and directed by Dan Setton and Tor Ben Mayor, and featured interviews with the late Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu – who first won election in 1996, served until 1999 and has been in and out of the prime ministership ever since – along with diplomats on both the Israeli and Palestinian side who desperately tried to negotiate an agreement for peace in historic Palestine. U.S. President Bill Clinton made Middle East peace a major goal of his administration, including sponsoring the Oslo agreements in 1993 that supposedly set up a framework for an ultimate resolution. Key to the Oslo accords was the so-called “two-state solution” in which Israel would agree to the creation of an independent Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza, and the two countries would live together side by side as neighbors. Clinton was frantically leading or hosting negotiations to achieve that end until the end of his presidency in early 2001 at a variety of venues, including Sharm-al-Shaikh, Egypt; Wye, Maryland; and ultimately Stockholm, Sweden.

When I was still publishing the print edition of Zenger’s Newsmagazine I riffed off the phrase “the heckler’s veto” – the ability of organized (or not-so-organized) mobs to silence speakers they don’t like by disrupting their events – and coined the phrase “the terrorists’ veto” to indicate the ability of terror groups in highly fraught situations like the ongoing hostility between Israel and Palestine to sabotage attempts at a peaceful resolution by staging well-timed attacks to sow mistrust on the other side. Time and time again, both Israelis and Palestinians have used “the terrorists’ veto” to stoke the fires of the conflict and keep any peaceful solution from even being negotiated, much less implemented. The downward spiral began, at least according to this program, when Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli prime minister who had helped negotiate the Oslo accords, was killed by a Right-wing Jew in 1995, two years after the agreement. Rabin’s funeral drew leaders of the Arab world, some of whom had never set foot in Israel until then. King Hussein of Jordan said of Rabin, “You lived as a soldier, you died as a soldier for peace. And I believe it is time for all of us to come out openly and to speak our piece.” President Clinton said, “Your prime minister was a martyr for peace, but he was a victim of hate.” Palestinian Authority President Yasir Arafat didn’t attend Rabin’s funeral – he stayed home and watched it on TV for what he said were “security reasons” – but he told Frontline, “It was very, very difficult and painful for me personally. But the most important thing for the Palestinians and for the Israelis and for the whole Middle East area is to return back to protect the peace of the brave which I had signed with my partner, Rabin, and to live together as we had decided.” But the negotiations faced opposition from both hard-line Jews in Israel and Palestinian militants in organizations like Hezbollah in the north (on Israel’s border with Lebanon) and Hamas in the south (on Israel’s border with Egypt).

According to this documentary, written by Setton and Mayor and narrated by long-term Frontline commentator Will Lyman, Hamas had “gained power among Palestinians by controlling the mosques and providing food and education to the poor.” The show featured a chilling clip of a Hamas leader haranguing a crowd and saying, “We will invade Palestine and drive out the Zionists, the oppressors, the rapists. And the only way is the way of the gun! This is the only way! This is the only way!” As called for in the Oslo agreements, Israel gradually withdrew from the largest population centers in the West Bank, and on August 15, 2005 – three years after this documentary premiered – Israel totally pulled out of Gaza. Unfortunately for the Palestinians, Israel maintained a security infrastructure on their border with Gaza and controlled Gazans’ access to food and energy – and they used that power arbitrarily, periodically cutting off Gazans’ ability to obtain the necessities of life. Gaza has since been described as “the world’s largest open-air prison,” and the Israeli jailers have been relentless in their pressure on the territory. Ironically, the Israeli government’s policy to wall off Gaza and keep its citizens from having reliable access to basic needs and also the education they would need to better themselves uncannily resembles the way European governments from the Middle Ages to the end of the 19th century generally oppressed their Jewish populations. It’s amazing, given the deep-seated mistrust of both Israelis and Palestinians for each other, that they came as close as they did to an agreement despite the ins and outs of politics in both Israel and Palestine. In 1996 Israeli secret agents blew up Yehiya Ayash, Hamas’s chief bomb-maker, and triggered a visceral response among Palestinians who saw Ayash as a shaheed – a holy martyr – and vowed revenge. Three weeks later, at least three suicide bombers from Hamas launched attacks inside Jerusalem, killing 46 and wounding hundreds more, followed by another attack in Tel Aviv that killed 17 people, all 17 years old or younger. This led to a nosedive in popularity for Rabin’s successor as Israeli prime minister, Shimon Peres, just as he was facing a new election. “They called me traitor,” Peres told Frontline. “They called me killer or murderer.”

In retaliation, Israel orders a counterattack that mistakenly targets a United Nations compound. Israeli Arabs, who made up 20 percent of Israel’s voting population at the time, call for a boycott of the upcoming election – and Netanyahu beats Peres, albeit barely. Netanyahu’s political “brand” is opposition to the peace process he is now obliged to carry out. He told Frontline, “I thought it was important to lay down the ground rules so Arafat would know exactly where I was coming from. Two-thirds of the public supported Oslo at the time. The international community supported it. They really thought that Arafat meant peace. I didn't think that he meant peace. And I said I would honor it under two conditions: One, that Arafat honor it. The second was that I would reduce the dangers in Oslo, reduce the withdrawals, reduce the price that Israel would have to pay.” Among the issues on which Netanyahu took a harder line than Rabin or Peres was the building of new Jewish settlements in the West Bank – thereby eating up more and more of the land that was supposed to constitute the eventual Palestinian state – and the “right of return” by which Palestinian families demanded to be re-admitted to the territories within Israel they’d been forced out of by the Nakba, the driving out of Palestinian Arabs at gunpoint in the late 1940’s when the state of Israel was created in the first place. The “right of return” is a big non-starter for most Jewish Israelis because it would mean the end of Israel’s status as a “Jewish state” if millions of Arabs were permitted to return there, where they could conceivably vote the Jews out of power the way Black South Africans did to whites after the fall of apartheid. Since 2002 the political rhetoric inside Israel about what to do with the Palestinians has become even more uncompromising.

In a recent post to the New Yorker’s Web site (https://www.newyorker.com/news/annals-of-human-rights/inside-the-israeli-crackdown-on-speech) journalist Masha Gessen tells stories about Israeli Jews who have faced violence or the threat of violence from fellow Jews for allegedly not being militant enough in their attitudes towards Hamas. Jewish Israeli journalist Israel Frey told Gessen he was nearly lynched by a mob outside his home a week after Hamas’s October 7 attacks, and though he called the police, the cops who came clearly indicated that their sympathies lay with his attackers. “The police protected my life only in the sense that they prevented people from entering the building, and escorted me out,” Frey said. “I don’t know when I’ll be able to go home, if I can go home at all.” Israeli officials in 2023 denounced United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres when he said at a U.N. Security Council meeting, “It is important to also recognize the attacks by Hamas did not happen in a vacuum. The Palestinian people have been subjected to 56 years of suffocating occupation. They have seen their land steadily devoured by settlements and plagued by violence; their economy stifled; their people displaced and their homes demolished. Their hopes for a political solution to their plight have been vanishing,” Israeli officials canceled their scheduled meetings with Guterres and called for his resignation. “On October 17th, Kobi Shabtai, the head of Israeli police, announced that he would not allow any demonstrations against the war,” Gessen reported. She quoted Shabtai as saying, “Anyone who wishes to identify with Gaza, is welcome to — I will put him on the buses that are heading there now.”

It’s become clear over the last month that Israel has launched a genocidal assault on the entire population of Gaza – and is using the Hamas attacks as a pretext. Mutual trust and peace between Israelis and Palestinians seems farther away than ever – which adds poignance to the sad commentary of Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat at the end of the 2002 Frontline show: “I know Palestinians and Israelis can make peace. If it's not next year, if it's not in 10 years, the day will come when Palestinians and Israelis will build on what I, my colleagues and the Israelis achieved in the negotiations of permanent status. I don't think they will ever re-invent the wheel. And the difference between this moment until the moment of reaching an agreement will be how many names — Palestinians and Israelis — will be added to the lists of death and agony. At the end of the day, there will be peace.”