Monday, February 23, 2009


Cygnet Scores Again With Bennett’s History Boys

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

San Diego’s Cygnet Theatre, which has moved from its storefront origins in the Rolando district near La Mesa and now produces at the Theatre in Old Town as well as in its original space, officially opens its run of Alan Bennett’s grim satire The History Boys at the Old Town location, 4040 Twiggs Avenue, Saturday, February 28. Judging from the second preview performance on February 20, anyone who goes to see Cygnet’s version of The History Boys is in for a long and somewhat wearing but still entertaining time, in which Bennett’s unusual “take” on the schoolboys-about-to-graduate premise registers effectively thanks to strong direction by Cygnet co-founder Sean Murray and the energetic cast he’s assembled.

The History Boys premiered at London’s National Theatre in 2004 and was filmed two years later, with Bennett writing the screenplay and the original director (Nicholas Hytner) and much of the cast repeating their roles. Inspired by Bennett’s own boyhood — he went to a private high school in his native Leeds, England in the 1940’s, won a history scholarship to Oxford and became a medieval history teacher until he forsook the world of academe for entertainment in the early 1960’s — The History Boys deals with a group of eight students who do surprisingly well on the “A-levels,” the high-stakes tests that determine the college and career fates of most British high-school students, even though their school is a nondescript private high school in the British Midlands.

Eager for the prestige his school can win if they send a cadre of prize students to Oxford or Cambridge, the school’s headmaster (Eric Poppick) decides they need more intensive preparation for the college admissions exams than his own staff teachers, Hector (Tom Stephenson) and Mrs. Lintott (Jillian Frost), can give them. So he enlists an outsider, Irwin (Brian Mackey), a teacher who’s only a few years older than the “history boys” themselves, to tutor them on how to pass the tests and get into Oxford or Cambridge. Irwin’s educational strategy is to teach them to stand out from the better prepared applicants from ritzier schools and higher class backgrounds (in one early speech he points out that in writing essays about Roman history, they’ll be up against students who’ve actually been there) by making them contrarians: if everybody else says bad things about Stalin, for example, try to find something good about him.

This isn’t exactly the freshest premise for a drama, but Bennett’s mordant wit takes off in various directions that make The History Boys a compelling and original work in a well-worn genre. As America adopts an increasingly rigid class structure just as Britain is in the final stages of shaking theirs off — of the five major-party Presidential nominees since 2000, three (George W. Bush, Al Gore and John Kerry) are members of America’s hereditary aristocracy and a fourth (John McCain) married into it — and as a nation that once ridiculed the British educational system’s reliance on high-stakes testing now declares not only individual students but entire schools “successes” or “failures” on the basis of test scores — the seemingly parochial British concerns of The History Boys take on surprising relevance to this country as well as Bennett’s own. In particular, the conflict between Irwin and Hector over their teaching styles — with Hector attempting to give the students knowledge that will make them better, more insightful people while Irwin relentlessly “teaches to the test” — mirrors the argument that’s riven the American educational system since the “No Child Left Behind” law was passed.


The History Boys
also deals with sex in a frank, matter-of-fact way that’s far beyond the angst-ridden treatment it would get from a U.S. playwright writing a similar story. Hector, though married and sixty-something, gets his kicks from taking the boys for rides on his motorcycle and groping them in the process. Bennett writes as if that’s no big deal — “I don’t subscribe to the notion that if somebody puts their hand on your knee it’s going to scar you for life,” he told the New York Times, “partly because when I was a boy, that was expected almost. You just thought, ‘Oh, here we go again’” — just as he has the boys exploring (or at least talking about exploring) sex with both same-sex and opposite-sex partners as if there’s really no difference between them. That, too, isn’t surprising for a writer who in 1987 responded to being asked whether he was Gay or straight by saying it was like asking a man dying of thirst in the desert whether he’d rather have Perrier or Malvern water.

The History Boys has its flaws, and the big one is that it’s too long. Bennett himself cut it during rehearsals for the premiere production, and cut it still further for the film version — the film is 109 minutes long and Cygnet’s live performance is 2 1/2 hours. The second act is beset with so many false climaxes one begins to wonder if the thing will ever end, and in particular will we learn whether the boys get into Oxford or Cambridge (we will) and whether they’ll be the obligatory American Graffiti scene of what happened to them after that (yes). Also, though there are eight “history boys” in all, only about three or four of them really emerge as characters in their own right — Dakin (Bryan Bertrone), the class show-off and flirt; Posner (Tom Zohar), the slightly-built show-tune singer and (to no one’s particular surprise) the one boy who turns out not just Bisexual or “questioning” but outright Gay; Scripps (Kevin Koppman-Gue), who becomes intently religious; and Rudge (Bobby Schiefer), the athlete of the bunch who doesn’t think a college will want him except as a rugby player.

Nonetheless, Bennett has written a strong script that deserves its acclaim — and Murray’s production for Cygnet is tough and energetic, handling Bennett’s many scene changes by having the actors themselves move furniture between scenes in a rambunctious way, often in time to the music used in Matt Lescault-Wood’s effective sound design. Bennett’s script specifies that the play takes place in 1983 (which led Michael Billington, reviewing the original production for the U.K. Guardian, to see it as a metaphor for the country under the rule of hard-Right prime minister Margaret Thatcher) but the class attitudes seem more like those of the 1960’s, each act opens with a framing sequence set in the present (the giveaway is the cell phone used by the first character we see), and the only aspect of the Cygnet production that says “1980’s” is the well-deployed music, mostly the synthesizer-driven “New Wave” dance music of bands like the Cure and the Vapors that resulted from a bastard marriage of disco and punk and was more popular there than here.

As usual, Cygnet has cast strongly. Bertrone stands out as Dakin, as attractive as he needs to be to make his tales of sexual conquests believable and so self-absorbed he seems to be treading on the thin edge of psychopathology. Zohar as Posner is also quite moving, especially in the scene in which he reacts to Irwin’s dismissive account of the Holocaust by pointing out that he lost family members to it. Brian Mackey catches Irwin’s flip cynicism well — though he’s less credible detailing the character’s sexual ambiguity — and Tom Stephenson as Hector grabs his tour de force scene at the end of act one and plays it for all it and he are worth. Eric Poppick gives the headmaster the right sort of bureaucratic insensitivity, and Jillian Frost acquits herself well as the one on-stage woman (others are talked about but never shown) in this otherwise all-male environment.

Cygnet’s productions have generally divided themselves into two groups: beautifully staged productions of great plays and beautifully staged productions of not-so-great plays. For all its quirks, The History Boys is a solid vehicle and Cygnet has done full justice to it.

The History Boys officially opens Saturday, February 28 at the Theatre in Old Town, 4040 Twiggs Street. Tickets can be purchased by visiting Cygnet's website at www.cygnettheatre.com or calling the box office at (619) 337-1525. Tickets can also be purchased in person by visiting Cygnet's main box office located at the Old Town Theatre.

LATINO FILM FESTIVAL LIGHTS UP THE SCREEN MARCH 12-22

by LEO E. LAURENCE

Copyright © 2009 by Leo E. Laurence • All rights reserved

Celebrating the best in Latino cinema from around the world, the 16th annual Latino Film Festival runs from March 12-22 at the UltraStar theatre in the Hazard Center in Mission Valley.

“It started as a student film and video festival, primarily focusing on Chicano and Latino student work from the U.S., Latin America and Spain,” said Ethan van Thillo, the founder and executive director, in an interview for Zenger’s.

“We started at UCSD, San Diego State University and at the border at the University of Baja California. We also expanded to Mesa College, so we had multiple venues.

“In 1998, we moved everything under one roof at the Horton Plaza. That’s when we changed from being just a student festival to inviting actors and directors, and started screening more feature films. We had about 30 films on one screen,” van Thillo reported.

“Now we have four screens and 161 films and are growing every day. The film festival not only has student work, but there are documentaries, features, animation and shorts; films from all over Latin America, Peru, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Central America, Spain and America.

“(The festival) has turned into an 11-day extravaganza of Latino cinema culture.

Budget

“The first festival probably cost about $4,000 when it was at UCSD. We pieced together funding from various departments. We went to the history department to get $100, the women’s department to get $50,” van Thillo reported.

“Now the budget is about $250,000. Honestly, half of that budget comes from ticket sales. The key is attendees. Tickets cost $9.50 general admission and $7.50 for students, seniors and military.

“This year we have a new Family Pack. A family of four pays only $35 and can see four films, or about $2 a ticket.

“We also have a Reel-Talk festival pass for any filmmaker, or anyone interested in the art of film making. For $20, they can see three documentaries and go to two workshops. One of the workshops, for example, is by Raul Garcia, a leading animator from Spain who also worked for Disney.

“The festival is actually a fund-raiser for our year-round Teen Producers’ Project and our work in the community.

“Within the movies, we have a whole collection of Sci-Fi, horror and fantasy films, which we call el mundo estrano.

“Every year, we focus on different countries. Last year was Argentina, the year before Chile and this year is Spain.

“We also have the fourth annual Cine Gay, the third annual ‘Borders on Film,’ and the Top 10 to Watch.

“On top of all that, we have the opening and closing night galas where we bring in music, dance and food in a party atmosphere.

“In the lobby every night, we have a dance troupe or musician performing.

“Then we have the annual Arte Latino component.

“Films from our Teen Producers Project will also be screened. We have one teen film on the im-portance of protecting our oceans, and another on TB in the Baja California region.

“From March 17-20, elementary and high school students get to see a film free from 10-12 noon.

“This year is also the 25th anniversary of the film El Norte, which was nominated for an Oscar. The director, Gregory Nava, will be coming down. He’s a San Diego native,” said van Thillo.

These international films focus primarily on high drama, rather than guns, explosions and violence common with Hollywood productions.

Photo caption: Latino Film Festival founder and executive director Ethan van Thillo works with Belinda Rojas, 26, a festival staff operations specialist and a senior at Cal. State San Marcos. Photo by Leo E. Laurence
Professional Quality Stage Production of Ain’t Misbehavin’ to Debut in March at South Bay School for the Creative and Performing Arts

by LEO E. LAURENCE

Copyright © 2009 by Leo E. Laurence • All rights reserved

A shining jewel of high-style stage productions is buried in the South Bay, ignored by many. The School for the Creative & Performing Arts (SCPA) will produce Ain’t Misbehavin’ in March with professional-quality, matched perhaps only by the Civic Theatre downtown.

With elaborate sets rented from commercial theatres, the SCPA high-school students recently performed The King & I, impressing the most critical theatre patrons.

The SCPA is an unusual, amazing school.

Students have to audition to get into it, demonstrating skills in one of the arts, from acting, multi-media, dance and singing.

Ain’t Misbehavin’ is a lively musical revue with many songs and piano solos composed or re-corded by the famous jazz giant of the 1930’s, Thomas “Fats” Waller.

Not quite a biography, this comedic show with a rollicking musical score depicts the life of the 1930’s Harlem streets in New York City. This upbeat musical contains many well-known jazz standards, as well as some finger-snapping songs which may not be as familiar to a contemporary audience.

The original New York production was written for a cast of five people. But the SCPA’s cast will expand to 20. This is to highlight more the exceptionally talented students in the Advanced Musical Theatre class.

The SCPA had a huge reputation in the world of theatre in San Diego County. The huge California Center for the Arts in Escondido will even host a performance of Ain’t Misbehavin’ by the SCPA students on May 19.

The wild show will also be performed at the school’s own location, 2425 Dusk Drive in South Bay, at 7 pm on March 13-14, 19-20; and at 2 pm on March 21. Tickets are $7 for adults and $6 for students, seniors and military. Tickets are available on-line at www.scpa.sandi.net or by calling the box office at (619) 475-8556.

Next up on the ambitious SCPA production schedule is a double-bill of two, hilarious comedies, Play On and The Musical Comedy Murders of 1940. They will be performed March 26-April 4.

Contact Leo E. Laurence at (619) 757-4909 or at leopowerhere@msn.com

Saturday, February 21, 2009


Activist San Diego Shows “Occupation 101”

Speakers Accompany Film on Israel’s Oppression of Palestinians

By MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

“Most of the rest of the world is concerned about Palestine, and especially the atrocities in Gaza in the recent weeks,” said Martin Eder, founder of Activist San Diego (ASD), at the start of its February 16 program at the Joyce Beers Community Center in Hillcrest. “Most of us could not imagine having to eke out a living denied services, education and medicine. Those of us in the U.S. who have an awareness of Palestine must do something because there is no country closer to the center of power than the U.S.”

ASD’s February 16 program consisted of the film Occupation 101, a powerful documentary by Abdallah and Sufyan Omeish telling the story of the formation of Israel and its occupation of historic Palestine from a pro-Palestinian point of view; and two resource people fielding audience questions. Edgar Hopida (pictured), public relations director of the San Diego chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), offered further background on the Israel-Palestine conflict, while Ed Sweed of the San Diego-based Alternate Focus public-access cable TV show described his efforts to use alternative media to present a different point of view on the conflict from the relentlessly pro-Israel one presented by American corporate media.

One point Hopida made is that not all American Jews monolithically line up in support of Israel against the Palestinians — it’s just that the ones who do support Israel 100 percent have far more power and clout in getting their views out. “You have members of the American Jewish elite, including Alan Dershowitz, Elie Wiesel and Natalie Portman, who are very pro-Israel,” he said. “Then you have people like Michael Lerner, Norman Finkelstein and Noam Chomsky who are trying to move to a real solution. But the Jews on the far Right have all the political power on that issue.”

Hopida emphasized the point by telling how he’d lobbied generally progressive U.S. Congressmember Bob Filner on an Israel-related issue. “Congressmember Filner told me, ‘I hate AIPAC [the America-Israel Public Affairs Committee, the major pro-Israel lobby in the U.S.], but when I voted against two of their resolutions, I lost $200,000 in contributions.’” Hopida added that all the freshman Congressmembers elected in 2008 have so far “voted in lock-step with Israel.” One of the people interviewed in the film Occupation 101 was former U.S. Congressmember Paul Findley, who after losing his seat to an AIPAC-backed candidate wrote a book called They Dared to Speak Out about the fate of fellow elected officials who ran afoul of the so-called “Israel lobby.”

Among the ironies of the situation is that, according to Hopida as well as other people interviewed in Occupation 101, the Israel lobby has such tight control over the U.S. corporate media that the Israeli media actually are more free to criticize the conduct of Israel’s government and its occupation of Palestine than mainstream media outlets in the U.S. Writers in Israel’s respected daily newspaper Ha’aretz, including Gideon Levy and Amira Hass (Hass is interviewed in Occupation 101), have often written sympathetic stories about the plight of the Palestinians living under Israeli occupation — while virtually all U.S. media coverage presents the Israelis as a besieged people heroically defending their land and the Palestinians as terrorist scum seeking to exterminate them.

“The U.S. media are a waste of time,” Hopida said. “Ha’aretz is more honest about the issue than anyone else.” Hopida noted the plethora of pro-Israel books on the U.S. market by writers like Dershowitz, Abraham Foxman, Beny Morris (an Israeli historian who moved from a liberal to a far-Right position on the Israel-Palestine conflict) and Dennis Ross (a former U.S. negotiator whose first-person account of the Camp David negotiations during the Clinton administration has been contradicted by other people who were there). There are more objective books out there, Hopida said, including the works of Norman Finkelstein — a Jewish-American professor who has been denied tenure at two universities thanks largely to Dershowitz’ lobbying against him — plus Defending the Holy Land by Zeev Moaz (an Israeli author who concluded that “out of all the wars Israel has fought, only two were defensive”) and Land Grab, a 2002 report by the Israeli Human Rights Commission that concluded that the Israeli settlements on the West Bank and (until 2005) in Gaza were built as part of a deliberate strategy to annex the occupied lands and drive the Palestinians out.

Occupation 101 is certainly unabashedly pro-Palestinian in its view of the conflict. It starts with a montage, presented in music-video style to a driving hard-rock soundtrack, of various oppressive occupations in 20th century history, including the British in India and the apartheid regime of South Africa, before finally ending up in historic Palestine detailing the rise of Zionism and the dramatic increase in Jewish emigration to the Holy Land in the first half of the 20th century. The rise of Adolf Hitler to power in Germany and the Nazis’ persecution of the Jews turned the trickle of Jewish refugees in Palestine to a flood, boosting them from 3 percent of the region’s population in 1900 to 31 percent in 1945.

The film also claims that Israelis were mounting sporadic massacres of Palestinians at least since 1949, one year after Israel was officially founded, and goes on to review the history of the occupation: how Israel drove Palestinians out of 78 percent of historic Palestine in 1948 and conquered the rest in 1967 from the surrounding Arab states — Egypt, Syria and Jordan — that had annexed it. Through animated maps the film showed the extent of Israeli control over the West Bank, which today consists of a few isolated Palestinian villages separated from each other by wide “access roads” on which Palestinians are forbidden, and further isolated by moving checkpoints.

According to the film, most Palestinians today live either in refugee camps — many of which were founded in 1948 and still exist even though they were supposed to be “temporary” — or in these isolated villages, surrounded by Israeli military forces that stop their movements and sometimes shoot them or raid their homes without explanation. One of Israel’s favorite weapons in the war, the film claims, is the bulldozer; Israel invented the armored bulldozer in the 1960’s and first used it as a military weapon in the 1967 war. Now its main function is to tear down the homes and farms of Palestinians in order to clear a neighborhood for Israeli settlers.

One rarely examined part of the issue the film treats in detail is the suffering of Palestinian Christians. The film claims that Israeli authorities make no distinction between Christian and Muslim Palestinians, treating both of them as part of a mass “enemy.” Though the filmmakers don’t make the connection explicitly, this depiction of Palestinian Christians ironically contrasts to the 100 percent pro-Israel stand of the evangelical Christian movement in the U.S., mainly driven by so-called “End Times” ministers who preach that the fulfillment of the prophecies of the Book of Revelation is at hand and one of the preconditions for the Second Coming of Christ is that historic Palestine become completely Jewish. The fact that these prophecies also provide that at the actual “End of Days” Jews shall be offered the instant choice to convert to Christianity or go to hell for all eternity doesn’t dissuade Israel’s Right from enthusiastically accepting the support of evangelical Christians for their plans to settle in the occupied territories and either drive the Palestinians out altogether or force them to accept permanent second-class status.

Responding to an audience member who faulted the film for starting out as an attack on Zionism but ending as merely a critique of the occupation, Hopida said, “We deal with the concrete issues. We deal with the occupation.” He pointed to 23-year-old American activist Rachel Corrie, who was run down and killed by an Israeli military bulldozer in 2003 while protesting a house demolition — she’s profiled in the film as well as being the focus of a previous documentary, Rachel: An American Conscience — and noted that she had never used the term “Zionist.” Hopida admitted that his own preference would be for a “one-state solution” — the replacement of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority with a secular, democratic state encompassing all of historic Palestine — but added, “It won’t happen in my lifetime or in my children’s lifetime. It would require the total dismantlement of the Israeli government.”

“We haven’t addressed the whole problem of media propaganda,” said Activist San Diego member Tanja Winter. “AIPAC’s propaganda is no different from the neoconservative propaganda that is keeping us in the dark about all issues. When you’ve been oppressed, as the Jews have been, you can either become oppressors yourselves or you can become more sympathetic.”

Asked about the feasibility of boycotting Israel-made products — along the lines of the anti-South Africa boycott and divestment campaigns that helped end apartheid — Hopida said, “We’re working on trying to do a divestment movement and mobilize locally. We’re targeting Arab and Muslim stores that sell Israeli products. As far as mobilization is concerned, we’re sanitized by the media. I’ve sent five or six op-eds to the San Diego Union-Tribune and one was accepted — and I had an argument with the editor over it.”

Saturday, February 14, 2009



ACLU Discusses Repressive Ballot Initiatives

Center Director, Planned Parenthood Spokesperson Address Prop.’s 4, 8

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

PHOTOS, top to bottom: Delores Jacobs, Vince Hall

The San Diego chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) turned over most of its annual membership meeting February 13 at the San Diego County Bar Association downtown to Delores Jacobs, executive director of the San Diego Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Community Center; and Vince Hall, vice-president of communications for the San Diego/Imperial Counties chapter of Planned Parenthood and former chief of staff to Congressmember Bob Filner and ex-Governor Gray Davis, for a program on repressive ballot measures and how they threaten community and civil rights. Along with Kevin Keenan, executive director of the San Diego ACLU, they talked about the radical religious Right’s success in putting “wedge issues” like the anti-choice Proposition 4 and the anti-Queer Proposition 8 on last November’s ballot — and noted that even when these measures fail, as Proposition 4 did, they suck up money and other resources progressive communities and service organizations could put to better use.

Indeed, according to Hall, that was exactly the purpose of Proposition 4’s principal sponsor, San Diego Reader publisher Jim Holman, in paying $2 million to get it on the ballot in the first place. Hall said that Proposition 4 and its predecessors, Proposition 73 on the 2004 ballot and Proposition 85 in 2006, “are specifically designed to drain the budget of Planned Parenthood. First, Jim Holman said so; second, why else would someone spend $2 million to put something on the ballot and then nothing to campaign for it? The first time we thought he didn’t know better. The second time we thought he still didn’t get it. The third time he was honest that it’s about abortion, not just parental notification.”

Holman’s three initiatives focused on what he and other anti-choice activists thought would be the weakest link in the pro-choice argument: what social policy should be towards girls who get pregnant when they’re below the legal age of sexual consent and want to end the pregnancies without their parents finding out. Advocates of parental notification laws say they’re essential to protect the rights of parents to look out for their children’s best interests. Opponents counter that if a girl hasn’t felt comfortable involving her parents in her decision to start sexual activity, she’ll probably be even more fearful of doing so once she’s become pregnant.

“I had the privilege of debating supporters of Proposition 4 and asking them, ‘So you think it’s O.K for a minor to have an abortion as long as their parents were notified?’” Hall said. “Of course, they said, ‘No, abortion is murder.’” Hall remembered an appearance on Bill O’Reilly’s TV program. for which he made the mistake of telling O’Reilly’s producer that he has a 13-year-old daughter — which gave O’Reilly the opening to ask, “Mr. Hall! Mr. Hall! You have a daughter. Wouldn’t you want to know?”

“I paused for a moment,” Hall recalled, “and I said, ‘Bill, her mom and I work every day to build a strong bond of parent-teen communication. We want to be a part of that decision. We want to be in her life at that level. But if, for any reason, she couldn’t come to us, our responsibility as parents is to know that she could be safe; and if we don’t achieve that, we don’t build that communication, no law is going to fix it.’” Hall also savored the irony that conservatives, who generally question the government’s ability to do anything competently, nonetheless accept the idea that a heavy-handed government intervention like Proposition 4 is the way to build strong families and ensure that parents are part of the major decisions their children make.

Jacobs’ presentation focused on the sheer gall behind Proposition 8 and the ability of its sponsors to subject the civil rights and legal equality of an oppressed minority — and take away those rights with a simple majority vote of the people. “I appreciate the partnership and support of the ACLU and Planned Parenthood and the choice community,” she began. “Proposition 8 was simple in its wording and devastating in its consequences. I don’t have to tell this group what the fundamental concerns are about any attempt to deny basic rights to anyone. It’s an incredible way to deal with freedom and justice through a simple majority vote based on deceptive and lying TV ads.”

One point Jacobs took pains to stress was that the principal factor determining how people voted on Proposition 8 was religious, not racial. Early exit polls said that as many as 70 percent of African-American voters in California had supported Proposition 8 (though more recent estimates have lowered that to 57 percent), and Latinos also supported Proposition 8 by a higher margin than white voters. But Jacobs said those results merely reflected how many African-Americans and Latinos are regular churchgoers who take their religious beliefs seriously and use them to determine their votes on contentious social issues, and added that “less religious” Blacks and Latinos were just as likely to vote no on 8 as less religious whites.

“The yes voters were also less educated, had less income and were more likely to be Republican,” Jacobs said. (In San Diego County, Republican phone-bank callers had two priorities: to get people to vote for John McCain for president and to get them to vote yes on 8. Also, CNN’s exit polls did not reveal a correlation between income levels and the vote on Proposition 8.) “When they were asked why they voted yes, the most frequent reason was they did not want their children taught that their faith was a lie. That is not what allowing people equal rights does, but it’s a well-known litany of people against civil rights.” Jacobs said that many of the same arguments used for Proposition 8 — religious beliefs, family values, concern for traditions — were also cited by the bitter-enders in the South and elsewhere who fiercely resisted school integration for decades after the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954.

“There are hidden issues with Proposition 8 and all civil rights movements in general,” Jacobs explained. “The question is why political movements create wedge issues, especially in California and other initiative states. These campaigns begin as money-makers for the groups that put them forward, and they drain the coffers of progressive individuals and organizations simply by making us fight the fight year after year. The total cost of the Proposition 8 campaign was over $80 million. [Actually, that represented the total spending on both sides of the issue; the Yes on 8 campaign spent $39.9 million and the No on 8 side actually slightly outspent the supporters, with $43.3 million.] It was necessary to raise that money and fight that fight, but I can’t help but think of how much service we could provide with that money, and if the California Supreme Court doesn’t see the wisdom of our position, we will have to raise that much money again.”

Jacobs also noted the effectiveness of the radical Right’s long-standing campaign against so-called “activist judges” and how they exploited that in the propaganda for Proposition 8. “One of the things accomplished by divisive issues is eroding faith in the judicial system and conditioning people to believe that judges are part of the political system and not a check and balance on it,” she said. “The answer is collaboration and not giving the impression that all I’m interested in is LGBT [Queer] issues. Whether the issue is immigrant rights, reproductive choice, environmental justice or LGBT issues, if we stand together, then issues like Proposition 8 either won’t make it to the ballot at all or will cost little to defeat.”

In answer to a two-part question from this reporter — whether it’s realistic to pursue an initiative to re-legalize same-sex marriage if the California Supreme Court doesn’t throw out Proposition 8, and how we should deal with the inevitable radical-Right campaign to recall the court’s justices if they do invalidate the measure — Jacobs said, “Is it realistic to believe that some day we can win? I hope so. Are their political consequences that have to be factored in? Yes. But the question of whether it is ‘realistic’ is important but not essential. Are we going to continue to educate the American public about the fundamental importance of our rights? Yes. We have to do better — especially in San Diego — but the best work on the ground is done in the absence of a campaign. No 30-second spot will erase generations of homophobia.”

“How can we not stand up for justices who stuck their necks out for equal rights?” asked local ACLU director Keenan in response to the question of what should be done if the California Supreme Court throws out Proposition 8 and the radical Right responds with a campaign to recall the justices who voted to do that. Another person in the audience noted that the last time the radical Right mounted a successful campaign against the California Supreme Court — the one that got voters to eject Rose Bird, Cruz Reynoso and Joseph Grodin from the court in 1986 — the ostensible issue, the death penalty, was really a cover for the efforts of the California Chamber of Commerce and the insurance industry to get rid of judges who were supportive of plaintiffs’ rights in tort cases. He said we would need to make similar connections and expose the real agenda of recall supporters if such a campaign happened.

Another audience member raised questions about reforming the initiative process, but Hall warned that such ideas could be a double-edged sword. A so-called “sore loser” provision that barred an initiative from reappearing on the ballot a certain number of years after a similar one was defeated would stop Jim Holman from repeatedly getting his parental notification attack on abortion rights onto every ballot and draining the coffers of Planned Parenthood — but it would also prevent the Queer community and its allies from qualifying an initiative to repeal Proposition 8, and Hall said he wasn’t about to support anything that would make it more difficult to get rid of the same-sex marriage ban.

Other proposals for initiative reform Jacobs and Hall mentioned included raising the number of signatures needed to get an initiative on the ballot, requiring a certain number of signatures from each of California’s 58 counties (so initiative campaigns couldn’t just concentrate on a few large cities and get all the signatures they needed there), having the courts vet initiatives for constitutionality before they’re voted on, and raising both the signature requirement and the vote needed to pass an initiative that interfered with so-called “fundamental rights.” But, Hall warned, “there’s an absence of political leadership” on initiative reform “because Californians still love the initiative process.”

Another audience member asked if there were any insights into why a certain percentage of Californians voted no on 4 but yes on 8. “Reproductive freedom and choice has had a ground campaign for decades to educate people on privacy rights,” Jacobs answered, “and it targets voters amenable to persuasion about [the injustice of] taking away fundamental rights.” Hall added that many otherwise conservative women in rural parts of the state could envision themselves facing the issue of an abortion in the family, but couldn’t relate to someone wanting to marry another person of their own gender.

Hall also noted the irony that while younger voters tend to be more supportive of Queer rights than older ones, they’re also more inclined to support at least some limits on women’s reproductive freedoms. “We’re at the pivotal transition point where tolerance of homophobia is on the decline,” he said. “No one below 30 is advocating against this issue except for certain (church-based) groups. Choice has the opposite problem; younger voters are more likely to support restrictions on abortion rights to seem more ‘moderate’ and ‘even-handed.’ We’re losing the demographic that remembers what life was like before Roe v. Wade.”

Thursday, February 12, 2009





S.D. Cracks Down on Medical Pot While Feds, State Loosen Up

California Director of Americans for Safe Access Speaks to Local Group

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

PHOTOS, top to bottom: Don Duncan, Dion Markgraaf, Rudy Reyes, Donna

The situation for medical marijuana users is loosening up just about everywhere in the country — or at least in the 13 states that have laws allowing it — except in San Diego County and elsewhere in southern California. That was the message Don Duncan, California director of the nationwide organization Americans for Safe Access (ASA), brought to the local ASA chapter in San Diego February 10. For years medical marijuana users have been bedeviled by federal raids ever since the U.S. Supreme Court’s rulings in 2001 and 2005 that state medical pot laws didn’t protect patients, caregivers and growers from federal anti-drug law enforcement — but, said Duncan, the Obama administration has sent signals that these raids may soon end.

“When the DEA [federal Drug Enforcement Administration] raided a Lake Tahoe dispensary on January 22 and several others in Los Angeles last week, we started to get concerned,” Duncan said. “There was a tremendous grass-roots outcry that you didn’t see in the media. So many people called the White House switchboard that they [officials in the Obama administration] came to us and asked us what we wanted. The White House wanted to do something, so Wednesday night, February 5, the administration spoke out about medical cannabis [marijuana].”

The statement came from Obama spokesperson Nick Shapiro and was given to the conservative Washington Times newspaper. “The President believes that federal resources should not be used to circumvent state laws,” Shapiro said, adding that “as [Obama] continues to appoint senior leadership to fill out the ranks of the federal government” — including a new head of the DEA — “he expects them to review their policies with that in mind.” Duncan also said he hopes Obama’s repeated statements that “he’ll let science decide the issues,” though usually thought to refer to global warming and stem-cell research, means he’ll take a more progressive view and support the federal Institute of Medicine’s recommendation that sick people be allowed access to medical marijuana immediately.

Meanwhile, San Diego County’s local efforts to circumvent California’s medical marijuana law continues apace, San Diego ASA chair Dion Markgraaf and others at the meeting reported. Among the overflow crowd were individuals who themselves had been raided in the first week of February for reasons which remained a mystery — no press releases had been issued and no media had covered the incidents — until the San Diego Union-Tribune Web site published a dispatch about the incidents and Steve Walker, deputy communications director for San Diego County District Attorney Bonnie Dumanis, issued a release about them on February 10.

According to these sources, the raids on medical marijuana users were part of “Operation Endless Summer,” a sting operation begun last fall “as a response to concerns over increased drug trafficking in military housing.” Walker’s press release said that “the operation focused on drug dealers and violent criminals operating in a Fleet Concentration Area” — i.e., Navy housing — “and negatively affecting the quality of life of families living in military housing.”

Walker’s release explained that the operation was a collaboration between the U.S. Navy Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS), the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), the San Diego County District Attorney’s office and the San Diego Police Department. The release stated that, “As part of the operation, law enforcement seized $19,000 in cash; two pounds of crystal methamphetamine; a half-pound of powder cocaine; one gram of heroin; more than 75 Oxycontin pills; 100 Ecstasy pills; more than 400 marijuana plants; six pounds of marijuana; and seven guns.”

“There were lots of raids last week, and they started on Tuesday [February 3] with people in this room,” said Markgraaf. “I thought, ‘More raids, more terror. Should I tell people to hide their children?’ I started calling people on my list, and the people on that list got busted. Most of the people were linked to a girl named Jessica. She helped contribute to people going to a house on Pico Street, a Navy house, where people made [medical marijuana] buys with doctors’ letters.” Markgraaf compared the operation to a similar sting a year or two ago that targeted students at San Diego State University (SDSU) and cost some about-to-graduate students their degrees, and predicted that, as with the SDSU raid, this will achieve little or nothing in prosecuting people for truly dangerous drugs.

“What happened here was that the Mayor of San Diego’s liaison said delivery services would be left alone, so they’re raiding us,” said Donna, a caregiver who was one of the 33 people arrested in the San Diego raids. (The media coverage said that “Operation Endless Summer” targeted 52 people, which left a lot of the ASA meeting attendees worried that they’re on the list of 19 people who still haven’t been apprehended.) In a letter she wrote to San Diego Union-Tribune reporter Jeff MacDonald, Donna described the hell she went through on the morning of February 5.

“I looked out my window and saw about 10 men dressed in black riot gear and helmets running towards my home, carrying a large metal pipe for smashing doors and all armed with semi-automatic assault rifles,” Donna wrote. “I stepped out onto my porch to avoid the possibility of having my licensed assistance dog, Buster, shot by the San Diego Police Department. As these men and women pointed their semi-automatic rifles at me and ordered my hands into the air, my bathrobe fell open and there I was, naked for all the world to see. My days of trauma had just begun. I was handcuffed, my house destroyed, and I was taken to jail.”

Donna’s letter characterized the raids as “home invasion robberies” carried out under cover of law. “Medical marijuana patients and the general population as a whole should be outraged at the hundreds of thousands of taxpayer dollars that were just wasted for a bunch of police to infiltrate a group of sick, injured and dying people — to befriend them — to feign sickness and to manipulate and trick us into helping them obtain medicine,” she wrote. “Was this ordered by the same Mayor who appears nightly on television talking about how broke this city is?”

“The problem in San Diego is not the feds, it’s the state,” said attorney Gerald Singleton, whose client, John Ottombrino, has also been targeted by local law enforcement. Singleton said that when he tried Ottombrino’s case, the local judge, Ted Weathers, “would not let us present the medical necessity defense. The position of the local D.A. and law enforcement is they don’t like the law and won’t enforce it.”

Duncan made the grimly ironic point that the recent flurry of law enforcement attacks on medical marijuana users, caregivers and distributors in southern California is a paradoxical reflection of the movement’s overall success. Not only has Obama’s spokesperson come out against the raids and promised that Obama’s appointees on drug policy won’t pursue federal attacks on state medical-marijuana laws — “the most important statement [of support] we have ever had from a U.S. President,” Duncan said — but 16 Congressmembers have signed a statement urging the DEA to expand opportunities for scientists to research the medical benefits for marijuana.

“If we weren’t winning nationwide, you wouldn’t be having these raids,” Duncan said. “They know a new day is dawning. The clock is ticking. It’s almost over. The California Supreme Court is ready to make a decision on San Diego County v. San Diego NORML [National Association for the Reform of Marijuana Laws]” — a suit the San Diego County Board of Supervisors (later joined by San Bernardino and Merced Counties) filed to have Proposition 215 declared illegal on the ground that the federal government pre-empts all drug laws — “but we already know what the ruling is going to be because we already won a similar case at the state appeals court involving Garden Grove, and both the California and U.S. Supreme Courts refused to hear that case. The reason they’re stalling, fighting, busting people and wasting resources is because they know the tide is turning.”

Rudy Reyes, a local medical marijuana patient — he started using it to relieve his pain after being badly burned in the 2003 Cedar wildfire — and activist, described a meeting he had with DEA agents in Oakland in early February. Noting that just the fact that he was invited to speak to DEA agents about medical marijuana is a victory, Reyes said, “They were upset at Obama’s policy because they’re worried about the loss of money.”

The reason is yet another of the dirty little secrets of U.S. drug law: asset forfeiture, which allows federal, state and local law enforcement to seize the property of alleged drug dealers, put it in the treasuries of their own agencies, and refuse to give it back even if the person they seized it from is ultimately found not guilty. According to Reyes, law enforcement agencies have seen the asset forfeiture laws as a giant piggy bank for them, and they’re worried about losing it. “We’re easy money for them,” he said. “They’re going to go after head shops and demand they pull oil burners.”

Reyes also spoke to the County Board of Supervisors during the public-comment portion of their February 10 meeting. Reyes said that the Obama administration’s statement that they won’t use federal anti-drug resources to target state medical-marijuana laws “destroys [the basis for] their lawsuit” seeking to invalidate Proposition 215. When Reyes addressed the Board of Supervisors, he recalled, “I asked them to review their policies and set up a task force” to implement the state law.”

Then he made another stop — to San Diego Mayor Jerry Sanders’ office — to ask him for a meeting about the ID card issue. “Sanders said he won’t have a meeting with us because he’s more concerned about the city’s financial issues,” Reyes said. “We just got told by the Mayor that we’re not that important.” Fortunately, newly elected City Councilmember Marti Emerald, a former TV journalist for Channel 10, has approached him for information on the issue and he’s hoping she’ll take the leadership role former Councilmember Toni Atkins took on medical marijuana earlier in the decade. Reyes also said he has a meeting scheduled with County Sheriff Bill Kolender February 17.

The meeting ended with a discussion of what to do in case of further raids against medical marijuana patients. “The most important thing we should learn is to have a better communications system,” Markgraaf said. “Even the little I did helped. Number two, we should be prepared. You should know about bail, and not think about it for the first time when you get raided. Number three, people don’t know each other’s phone numbers any more because of cell phones [whose numbers often change when people lose a phone or switch to a different plan]. You have to have not only yourselves but your family members ready to call. We need to support these cases, both communally and civilly, and we need to use these cases to make change.”

Americans for Safe Access:
National: http://www.safeaccessnow.org
Local: http://www.safeaccesssd.org

Monday, February 09, 2009

Same-sex couples in San Diego County to engage in national marriage counter actions

San Diego, CA – Local same-sex couples will request marriage licenses at the County Clerk’s Office on National Freedom to Marry Day, as part of planned action co-sponsored by the Marriage Equality USA San Diego (MEUSASD) the San Diego Equality Campaign (SDEC). The event will take place on Thursday, February 12, 2009 from 7:30-8:30 a.m. The County Clerk’s Office is located within the San Diego County Administration Building complex at 1600 Pacific Highway in Downtown.

At local marriage counters in cities all over the country, same-sex couples will request marriage licenses at their local County Clerk’s Offices to raise awareness of the harms and impact the inability to marry causes on their families. In San Diego County, an additional action will occur in the northern part of the county at the County Clerk’s San Marcos Branch Office at 141 East Carmel Street. Couples will request marriage licenses from 7:30-8:30 a.m. at this location.

Since 2001, Marriage Equality USA chapters have engaged in the annual Freedom to Marry Day actions to raise visibility of the discrimination that is enforced every day by various state and national legislation banning same-sex marriage. “These discriminatory pieces of legislation are an affront to our basic dignity of fellow human beings when same-sex couples are away from the marriage counter. It does, however, give us the opportunity to tell our stories and show that we live in every community and want to honor and protect our families like everyone else,” said Fernando Z. Lopez MEUSA-SD Chapter Leader. According to Brooks, “Marriage discrimination is wrong and harms real-life families. All Americans deserve equal treatment under the law. The time has come.”

“There are already 18,000 same-sex couples married in California. We want to honor those marriages and encourage the California Supreme Court to extend this opportunity to others who wish to marry, but will once again be turned away until Proposition 8 is voided.” said Lopez. “Faith leaders continue to marry same-sex and straight couples while our government continues to deny us equality in civil marriage law. This is nothing less than a blatant denial of our fundamental right to religious freedom that we as Americans should all enjoy.”

“Whether we are married, in a domestic partnership or civil union, or legal strangers under our particular state law, all same-sex couples are denied the 1,138 federal rights of marriage,” said Sara Beth Brooks, Executive Chair of SDEC and local Join the Impact organizer. “With the support of President Obama and with the growing sea of change towards supporting protections for same-sex couples, we are hopeful that we can finally turn our attention to overturning the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), passed in 1996, and work together to uphold the American tradition of fairness and equality by ending marriage discrimination once and for all.”

Straight allies, supportive clergy and married same-sex couples are invited to support the couples seeking licenses. A number of faith leaders will be on site that morning on the lawn of the County Administration Building to marry couples who wish to do so. They will receive a Certificate of Marriage, and be married under the guise of the faith they choose to be wed by.

For a list of marriage counter actions happening across the United States, visit www.marriageequality.org or www.jointheimpact.com

Founded in 2000, Marriage Equality USA is a national grassroots organization whose mission is to secure legally recognized civil marriage equality for all, at the federal and state level, without regard to gender identity or sexual orientation. For more information visit www.marriageequality.org

The San Diego Equality Campaign was organized in response to the passage of Proposition 8 in California. The organization seeks to promote equal rights for persons of all sexual orientations and gender identities, including the right to marry, to be free from discrimination in their workplace, and the right to serve in the armed forces freely and openly, and without prejudice. For more information visit www.sdequalitynow.com



Audience Packs Library for “Waiting to Inhale”

Crowd of 300 Cheers Medical-Marijuana Film and Its Director

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

Photos:
TOP, L to R: Jed Riffe, Aaron Smith, Rick Reyes
Middle: Donna
Bottom: Jed Riffe

The film Waiting to Inhale, a 2006 documentary on the medical marijuana controversy produced and directed by Jed Riffe, begins with Mike and Valerie Corral, the couple who founded the Wo/Men’s Alliance for Medical Marijuana growers’ cooperative in Santa Cruz. They describe in detail the day in 2002 when agents of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) raided their garden and broke into their home in full protective gear, with their guns drawn, and terrorized the Corrals until they had finished their business: stripping the garden bare of its 167 marijuana plants and notifying the Corrals that the federal government intended to prosecute them as drug dealers.

A woman named Donna ended the post-film discussion at the San Diego Public Library’s February 8 screening of Waiting to Inhale by saying that just a few days earlier she’d been the victim of a similar experience. “There were multiple caregivers arrested this week, and multiple raids going on at the time they were invading my house,” she said. “I have no criminal record, but on Thursday morning [February 5] I had 10 people in my house with semi-automatic weapons, ready to murder me for using legal marijuana.”

What made Donna’s experience unusual is that the people at the other end of those guns weren’t DEA agents; they were local law enforcement, sent by the San Diego County Sheriff’s and District Attorney’s offices. According to Aaron Smith, California public policy coordinator for the Medical Marijuana Project (a lobbying position) and one of the three panel members who spoke after the February 8 screening, that in itself is illegal. Smith said that the California courts have repeatedly ruled that state and local law enforcement officials don’t have the right to go after people whose conduct is within California’s landmark medical marijuana law, passed in 1996 as Proposition 215 — but in San Diego they do that anyway.

Indeed, according to Smith, the San Diego County Board of Supervisors have been scofflaws throughout the entire medical marijuana controversy. While the city of San Diego passed a local ordinance allowing medical marijuana patients to get I.D. cards certifying them as such before the state legislature passed a similar bill, the county not only refused to implement the state legislation, they filed a lawsuit to have Proposition 215 invalidated as a violation of federal drug law. Smith said that “all counties have to issue state I.D.’s,” but the flaw in the law is that it put the job on the counties instead of having the state issue the I.D.’s themselves through their own offices.

What’s more, the law did not set a deadline for the counties to create the program locally — leaving an “out” for San Diego and six other California counties to refuse to implement the program at all. Also, under the state law you can’t go to another county to obtain a card; it has to come from your “county of residence,” which led to some discussion about how people who spend part of their time in San Diego and part in another California county could legitimately claim, as their “county of residence,” a county that’s already on board with the program.

In addition to Smith, the post-film panelists included Jed Riffe and Rick Reyes, a local medical marijuana patient and advocate. Asked why San Diego County has been so retrograde on the issue, Reyes said, “You’ve got some very strong Republican and conservative groups that want to retain power.” Later, asked why there is such inequality in law enforcement between San Diego and other California cities and counties, Reyes said, “Again, it’s prejudice. We are being persecuted.”

Riffe was somewhat more optimistic, saying that the medical marijuana issue hits home because “everyone knows someone with AIDS or cancer” — diseases for which marijuana is considered particularly useful, both in controlling the actual pain of these conditions and counteracting the side effects of chemotherapy and anti-HIV medications. “Susan Wright, the speaker of the Kansas state senate, refused to let a medical marijuana bill come up for a vote five times until she met Susan Hughes, a multiple sclerosis patient. Wright asked her, ‘What do you really want?’ We said, ‘All we want is for people like Susan Hughes not to go to jail.’”

But even if the hearts and minds of elected officials in conservative Kansas could be moved on this issue, many audience members were skeptical that that could ever happen with the reactionaries in charge of San Diego County. “The thing you have to remember in dealing with ideologues is the Right has always used fear,” one audience member said. “You have to use education, and the government and people who don’t want this will always use fear.” This person warned against allowing medical marijuana advocates to look like hippies who just arrived from the 1960’s in a time machine, and said, “The only way we will ever soften their hearts is with people who look, walk and talk like them” — a lesson Aaron Smith, short-haired, clean-shaven and dressed in a suit and tie, seemed to have taken to heart.

Waiting to Inhale is a surprisingly comprehensive documentary on medical marijuana, starting in the 19th century when it was a common ingredient in patent medicines — as were cocaine, opium and morphine. In fact, marijuana remained a legal medicine in the U.S. until 1937, when as part of an anti-drug campaign by Harry J. Anslinger (head of the federal anti-drug agency for 32 years and a sufficiently well-known figure in the demonology of marijuana that the audience booed and cat-called when his image appeared) marijuana was made illegal for virtually all uses.

The Controlled Substances Act of 1970, pushed through Congress by the Nixon administration, made things even worse for medical marijuana advocates. It placed marijuana, along with LSD and heroin, on Schedule I, officially defining it as a drug with “no established medical use” and “high potential for abuse.” Morphine and cocaine are on Schedule II — “some established medical use” and “high potential for abuse” — while amphetamines and steroids are on Schedule III (“established medical use” and “some potential for abuse”)

It was this act on which the U.S. Supreme Court relied in its 2001 and 2005 decisions asserting that the federal government could prosecute medical marijuana users no matter what their state’s law had to say on the matter. The court ruled that since Congress had found that marijuana was medically useless, that was therefore legally true regardless of what research evidence actually existed for marijuana’s medical efficacy. Some medical-marijuana advocates have compared these rulings to the Roman Catholic Church’s proclamation in the early 1600’s that the earth was the center of the universe and anyone who said otherwise could be prosecuted for heresy, despite the growing evidence from scientists like Copernicus and Galileo that the earth actually orbited the sun.

According to Smith, the federal government is not only insisting on the basis of a Congressional proclamation that marijuana has no medical use, they’re actively blocking research that might indicate otherwise. “The Drug Enforcement Administration is obstructing research as best they can,” he said. “University of Massachusetts researcher Lyle Kranker has continually applied to grow marijuana on campus and has been refused several times.” Smith is hopeful that the appointees of the Obama administration won’t be as hard-nosed about this and will actually facilitate research into marijuana’s medical uses — as well as ordering DEA agents not to raid medical marijuana collectives, which Obama spokesperson Nick Shapiro already pledged in a February 5 press conference.

Though its filmmaker clearly has his own point of view on the issue, Waiting to Inhale is a surprisingly fair documentary. Opponents of medical marijuana, including former Office of National Drug Control Policy head Barry McCaffrey (via a film clip) and special assistant David Murray (interviewed for the film), are given the opportunity to state their case. The film is also surprisingly sympathetic to the so-called “parents’ groups,” organizations of people whose adult children have died from complications of drug use and who have responded by banding together to advocate for a tough anti-drug policy, targeting marijuana as the so-called “gateway drug” to the more potent substances — heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine — that actually killed their children. Some of the audience members said that San Diego County was actually giving money to these parents’ groups to help fund their anti-drug message.

“I appreciate the work of the national Medical Marijuana Project, but we have local issues here and we need to talk about this,” said a man in the audience who identified himself as another of the caregivers who had been arrested and raided several days earlier. “They [San Diego county officials] are completely flouting the law and have come down in the last six months with an entrapment scheme and wiped us out.” The reference is to the county’s policy to infiltrate undercover officers into medical marijuana dispensaries to pose as customers and give the county an excuse to close down the dispensaries and arrest their proprietors. The attacks on caregivers were the next step in the county’s drive to eliminate all medical marijuana use in San Diego without the bad P.R. of directly targeting sick people, medical-marijuana activists in the audience argued.

“They came to my house and left me with nothing,” the caregiver continued. “This is injustice. This is organized crime. We must stand up against the County Board of Supervisors, [San Diego County district attorney] Bonnie Dumanis, the sheriffs and the people who are pulling their strings. Five years ago, the San Diego County Grand Jury said they were refusing to enforce a state law because of their personal biases — and they still are.”

“What happened last week is tragic,” Smith replied, “but overall 2008 was our most successful year since we passed Proposition 215 in 1996. We past a medical marijuana bill in Michigan, and we elected a new president who’s called off the dogs. [Smith claimed that Obama’s spokesperson had stated publicly that he’s ordered the DEA not to stage any more raids on medical marijuana facilities.] We’re litigating; Americans for Safe Access (a grass-roots medical marijuana organization), the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the state of California have won a lawsuit over the ID cards. We’re setting our sights on the outlaw ‘law enforcement’ in San Diego, San Bernardino and Riverside counties.”

Addressing some of the tactics used by San Diego County and these other “outlaw” jurisdiction, Smith added, “We will be sponsoring legislation to license dispensaries and provide clear protections from arrest on the state level, and also say that local law enforcement can’t just call in the DEA to stage enforcement actions that are illegal under state law. Last year we were within one to two votes of getting that to the governor’s desk/ We’re making progress, and I know it doesn’t seem like it, but it’s getting better.” Smith also mulled over the irony that while San Diego County is ferocious in its opposition to medical marijuana, the University of California at San Diego (UCSD) has been a national leader on medical marijuana research since the 1960’s.

Web links

Waiting to Inhale film: http://www.waitingtoinhale.org/thefilm.htm

Marijuana Policy Project: http://www.mpp.org

Americans for Safe Access:
National: http://www.safeaccessnow.org
Local: http://www.safeaccesssd.org

Journalist Snow Offers Alternative View of Africa

Promises to “Piss You Off” — And Delivers

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

“What’s the quickest way to piss you off?” asked independent journalist and activist Keith Harmon Snow at the start of his talk February 5 at the World Beat Center in Balboa Park. During a three-hour appearance including slides (shown the old-fashioned way on an analog projector, which delayed the proceedings briefly because one of the meeting’s organizers had to go and find one), music and a question-and-answer period as long as Snow’s actual lecture, he delivered an alternative version of recent African history that slashed such progressive sacred cows as the United Nations, international charities, Jane Goodall and Ben Affleck, saying that all of them were essentially tools of the U.S. and the government of Uganda in their efforts to gain control over the resources of sub-Saharan Africa’s richest resource prize, the Congo.

“Let’s talk about the lies about Africa and the Congo,” Snow said, quickly seizing on the combative tone he maintained throughout his talk. “The statement is there’s a lot of environmental impact [from the civil war in the Congo]. This is true. Gorillas and chimpanzees are going to disappear because of the work of some of the people in the movement to ‘save’ them. The Jane Goodall Institute is involved in the civil war in the Congo and is directly funding some of the militias on the ground that they’re ‘protecting the gorillas.’ The people who live there are often involved in the bush-meat [gorilla and chimpanzee meat] trade because there’s nothing else for them to eat because of the Western economic system.”

For Snow, the root of all evil in the Congo remains the same as it’s been since 1885, when Col. Henry M. Stanley — a reporter-turned-imperialist and not the benign Stanley of the “Dr. Livingston, I presume?” legend — took control of the area and set up a resource-extraction operation for King Leopold II of Belgium, who had claimed ownership of the Congo not in the name of the Belgian state but as his personal property. “Stanley was hired by King Leopold to extract the two most important commodities of the time, rubber and ivory,” Snow explained. “The system of exploitation involved cutting off people’s hands if they didn’t deliver enough rubber and ivory.”

Along with the exploitation of the Congolese natives, Snow said, went a propaganda campaign to “sell” the West on the justice of imperialism. Part of the campaign argued that Leopold’s personal ownership of the Congo furthered justice by stopping the Arabs from enslaving the Congolese. Another was what Snow called the “Heart of Darkness” myth (though he conveniently ignored the fact that the principal villain of Joseph Conrad’s novel Heart of Darkness was a renegade white imperialist), which convinced Westerners that Africans were a bunch of primitive savages who would butcher each other if it were not for the beneficent rule of whites over them.

“As early as 1885 missionaries were sent into Africa, first to learn the languages of the area and then to translate the Bible into them,” Snow said. “If you want to assimilate a people, first you learn their language and then you take it over. In the war in the Congo, everything else has been decimated but the churches are untouched.” Showing one slide, he said, “This is where Stanley set up his ‘heart of darkness.’ I found one of Stanley’s plantations, and you can see the huge patches of rain forest that have been devastated, sometimes by the same people doing the exploitation on the plantations.”

Snow explained that by 1922 an elaborate infrastructure of machinery had been imported into the Congo by Western corporations and landowners to facilitate the exploitative system — and this remained in place until 1960, when the Congo was formally granted independence and the West destroyed much of the infrastructure and stopped maintaining the rest. Today, he added, the machinery in the plantations is decrepit and sometimes downright unsafe — but the planters keep it that way because they’re making so much money and have such a large potential labor force they don’t have to maintain it. If workers die, they simply replace them.

“There’s no problem getting technologies into the Congo,” Snow said. “The people could educate themselves if they had schools and books, which they don’t. The Dian Fossey and Jane Goodall foundations are the problem, not the solution, according to the people who live there” — at least in part, Snow explained, because their insistence on setting aside large tracts of the Congo as wildlife refuges just reduces even further the areas on which Congolese can live without having to take jobs on the plantations that will exploit and quickly destroy them.

What’s more, Snow said, this isn’t an accident. Throughout his presentation he noted that virtually all the major environmental organizations — including the Sierra Club and the World Wildlife Fund — have board members who are also part of the corporations that are making money off the exploitation of Africa and its resources. “If you look at the board of directors of Conservation International, they’re all involved with defense companies, oil companies and mining companies,” he explained. “If you look at Santa Barbara today, you’ll hear that ‘environmentalists’ are negotiating with oil companies to restart offshore drilling — but these aren’t real ‘environmentalists.’ Likewise, the ‘conservation’ sector in the Congo is involved with the mining interests.”

Snow’s contrarian view of recent African history challenged such well-accepted “truths” as the so-called “100 days of genocide” in Rwanda in 1994, dramatized in the film Hotel Rwanda, in which members of the Tutsi tribe were supposedly massacred by the majority Hutus. The truth, according to Snow was that Rwanda underwent a four-year civil war started, and eventually won, by a handful of Tutsi leaders who settled in Uganda and cut a deal with Yoweri Museveni, president of Uganda, to take power in Rwanda with the help of the Ugandan army and Museveni’s ally, the U.S.

“In 1990, the U.S. backed Museveni to invade Rwanda and started accusing the Rwandan government of genocide,” Snow explained. “In 1994 the U.S. called it ‘genocide’ but it was really a four-year war in which we backed a rebel movement. You’re supposed to believe the propaganda that it was 100 days of killing of the Tutsis by the Hutus, but the reality is the people who were responsible for the killing are the people in power [in Rwanda] today” — including current Rwandan president Paul Kigame, who according to Snow didn’t even hold Rwandan citizenship when Museveni’s U.S.-backed army installed him in power. What’s more, Snow said, before Museveni made him president of Rwanda, Kigame had been the Ugandan official in charge of Uganda’s own genocide against the Acholi people in the north of the country.

If any Tutsis were killed in Rwanda, Snow added, they were either free-lance revenge killings or Kigame’s government executing Tutsi leaders who hadn’t fled to Uganda and therefore were mistrusted and regarded as potential competitors by those who had. Snow mentioned the incident of April 6, 1994 when a helicopter containing the indigenous leaders of the Hutus and Tutsis was shot down on their way to negotiating a peace settlement, and said the CIA was responsible for this crime, which decapitated Rwanda’s indigenous leadership and set the stage for the so-called “genocide.”

“The governments of Rwanda and Uganda are absolute terrorists,” Snow said. “Most of the people in power in Rwanda now are Ugandans. Uganda is the place to look at as the center of the war in Darfur. They’re in Kenya, in Burundi and in the Congo. Uganda’s government today is a nasty enterprise. Uganda’s point in [intervening in] Rwanda was getting rid of the Hutus, and the system has totally dehumanized the Hutus. The ‘international genocide project’ is a one-way system of justice,” he added, saying that the tribunals on Rwanda have been set up to justify the Tutsis’ killing of Hutus while treating the Hutus — the real victims, according to Snow — as less than human and deserving of their fate.

Once Museveni and Kigame had tightened their control over Rwanda, they sought to gain control over the far larger, richer and more exploitable Congo, Snow said. “In 1997 the rebel movement in Rwanda invaded the Congo and overthrew the government of Mobutu Sese Seko,” he explained. “Some of the people involved were from Belgium, Israel and the U.S. … The Rwandan army marched across the Congo with U.S. forces and equipment. The U.S. military has been on the ground in the Congo quite a long time, but they’ve become more open about it since Obama came to power. There’s also a so-called ‘humanitarian’ operation that isn’t really humanitarian at all.”

This time, Snow said, their puppet was former freedom fighter Laurent Kabila, whom the U.S. and Uganda recruited to rule the Congo on their behalf — only to have him killed four years later for trying to run the Congo on behalf of its people rather than his American and Ugandan overlords. According to Snow, they chose to kill Kabila on the 40th anniversary (give or take a day) of the murder of indigenous Congo leader Patrice Lummumba, whose attempts to better conditions for the Congolese people in 1960 got him called a “Communist” in the U.S. media and ultimately killed.

In answer to the question of just why U.S. and global imperialism regards the Congo as so important, Snow showed a slide containing a “resource map” of Africa revealing the immense mineral deposits in the sub-Saharan region. His map showed Sudan as almost one enormous oil field and also indicated major oil reserves in Madagascar — and said the Congo is a convenient geographic jumping-off point to exploit those countries, in addition to its own mineral wealth. “The biggest commodity from the Congo today is cobalt,” said Snow, “which is used for ship and tank armor, spacecraft, nuclear weapons and nuclear reactors, and the man responsible for it is Maurice Tempelsman, who’s the focus of a new campaign called One Man in the Congo.”

Throughout his lecture Snow referred to Tempelsman as the lover of Jackie Kennedy Onassis — which is accurate; she started dating him after Onassis’s death in 1975 and was living with him when she died in 1994. (One Internet source also links him with Madeleine Albright, President Clinton’s Secretary of State, saying that they started dating after Jackie’s death.) Tempelsman is a dealer in diamonds and architect of the so-called “Kimberley Process,” which claims — falsely, Snow says — to authenticate diamonds from Congo and Angola as “clean,” untainted by war, exploitation and forced labor.

Tempelsman is also a major contributor to the Democratic Party and president of the American Jewish Congress, described by Web journalist Alex Constantine as “a Zionist pressure group that claims it works closely with the Israeli military,” and both Constantine and Snow claim he worked closely with the CIA to assassinate Lummumba in 1961 and install a military dictatorship in Congo that lasted until the Ugandan/Rwandan invasion in 1997. “SEC filings show that LKI [Tempelsman’s company] directors are high-rolling Zionist lawyers and investment bankers,” Snow wrote in 2007 [http://towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1171/1/]. “One director belongs to the law firm that once represented President Kennedy — another Tempelsman friend. LKI is also connected to the euphemistically named United States Agency for International Development (USAID).”

One set of slides Snow showed during his lecture depicted the grim conditions under which Congolese workers on palm date plantations live. Palm dates are the source of palm oil, which is in turn the world’s principal source for vitamin A. Snow’s slides showed not only the excruciating conditions under which the Congolese who harvest palm dates and process them into oil work, but also the ferocious level of control plantation owners exert to make sure they don’t keep any palm dates for themselves, including an entire paramilitary operation that regularly invades people’s homes to see if they are hiding palm dates.

“The workers work nine to 10 hours a day, with no lunch, no breaks, and their quotas are so high it’s almost impossible to meet them,” Snow said. “If you don’t meet them, they dock your pay and threaten to fire you. the workers make about $3 per month, and if they complain they’re immediately removed and their families are thrown out of their plantation-owned housing.” Snow showed a picture of a child carrying a container of water and said, “This child’s job is to walk back and forth in 120° heat and give the workers small amounts of water. This is child slavery.” Snow also showed a picture of an 80-year-old house, so dilapidated it’s little more than a frame without windows or much in the way of walls, and said this was where the plantation workers typically lived.

Snow said that during his successful infiltration of a Congolese palm date plantation, the temperature in the area in which the nuts from the palm dates are heated to extract the oil got so hot “one of my cameras malfunctioned. These guys are working under terrible conditions, are not given health care and are easily replaced. … The equipment they use is old, constantly malfunctions and is not being replaced because the owners are making so much money as it is.” The plantation owners are generally able to keep outside observers from seeing the conditions there — Snow recalled a warning he got that “if I walked down the plantation streets without a director, I’d be arrested” — and said that when a few courageous plantation workers tried making a complaint to the International Labor Organization (ILO), they found it was controlled by all-purpose Congo exploiter Maurice Tempelsman.

In addition to the low pay, horrific working conditions and omnipresent threat of replacement — it was clear the Congolese plantation owners consider their work force a disposable resource -— Snow said the Congolese are suffering from an artificially induced health crisis. He cited studies that the health and life expectancy of the few remaining Congolese who have maintained a lifestyle outside the capitalist system are far better than those of the plantation workers, and noted the grim irony that instead of allowing the Congolese access to their own vitamin A-containing palm dates, the World Food Organization (WFO), an arm of the United Nations, is subsidizing major pharmaceutical companies to provide the Congolese vitamin A products.

“Mosquitoes are all over the place,” Snow said, “and they define anyone who’s sick from malaria, tuberculosis, river blindness or yellow fever as having ‘AIDS’” — which, of course, becomes yet another pretext for a giant subsidy to major drug companies in the name of “helping” a Third World nation. “The media report some of the abuses,” Snow said, “but blame them all on the African people. … You’ll never see a story about a guy like Alvin Blattner [the owner of the plantation on which Snow took his photos]. Instead, [the coverage] is designed to help you ease your conscience by sending $20 to Doctors Without Borders.”

Snow continued for over an hour and a half of prepared presentation and a question-and-answer period that was almost as long — at times he seemed to be goading the audience into keeping it going — and merrily slashed away at various liberal and progressive sacred cows. Asked if the United Nations, virtually all of whose agencies (including UNICEF and UNESCO) he’d denounced during his talk, was “clueless or compliant” in the abuses he was describing, Snow said, “Both.” Snow also denounced the Peace Corps as “a recruiting program for the CIA” and The Nation magazine on the ground that the father of its current editor, Katrina vanden Heuvel, once served on the board of the International Rescue Committee (IRC) with Henry Kissinger.

Indeed, Snow’s description of the world’s ruling elite was so vast, conspiratorial and seemingly all-powerful that at least two audience members told him his presentation was leading them more to despair than to activism. Asked what people can do, he said he thought street marches were useless — “The only people who made a difference by marching on Washington were the Black Bloc anarchists, who actually caused damage” — he said — and instead said, “Don’t pay your taxes. Alexander Haig once said, ‘They can march all they want, as long as they pay their taxes.’”

Friday, January 30, 2009









Activist San Diego Celebrates “End of an Error”

Ball in Honor of Obama’s Presidency Draws 200

by MARK GABRISH CONLAN

Copyright © 2009 by Mark Gabrish Conlan for Zenger’s Newsmagazine • All rights reserved

PHOTOS, top to bottom:

SuperSonic Samba School

Spoken word artist Bennie Herron

“Billionaires for Obama”

Girl Dancer

City Councilmember Marti Emerald

Ernie McCray and Martin Eder

Monarch School Steel Drums

Sacred Tribal Infusion

In 2001 and 2005, the progressive Internet group Activist San Diego (ASD) hosted “Counter-Inaugural Balls” to protest the ascension of George W. Bush to the presidency by what many of its members and supporters thought were corrupt and fraudulent means. On January 24, 2009 the location — the big auditorium of the Balboa Park Club — and many of the participants were the same, but the message couldn’t have been more different. This time, ASD’s “People’s Ball” was held to celebrate “the end of an error” and commemorate “democracy under construction” following Barack Obama’s election victory and his inauguration four days earlier.

About 200 people attended the event and heard infectious music by the salsa band Agua Dulce, the Mariachi Juvenil (Youth Mariachi) — which serenaded ball-goers as they walked in — the Monarch School Steel Drums Ensemble and the SuperSonic Samba School. One of the many high points of the event was when the steel drummers and the samba percussionists jammed together on one song. Another was the extraordinary performance by TranscenDance, the dance troupe of high school students (five of whom appeared at the ball), and a third was the belly-dancing performance by the Sacred Tribal Infusion. This was a troupe of three women, though the most moving part of their set was a solo dance by one performer to a recorded song calling for peace in the Middle East whose lyric was built around the similarity of the Hebrew and Arabic words for peace, “shalom” and “salaam.”

Other performers included Mitchell Walker, who played the didgeridoo (a traditional Australian instrument formed, event MC Ernie McCray announced, by natural processes working on a piece of eucalyptus wood) in the lobby before the program started; Bennie Herron, an African-American spoken-word performer who did a poem about Obama; and McCray himself, who also read a poem addressing the new administration in guardedly optimistic tone. The one elected official who spoke was District 7 City Councilmember Marti Emerald — introduced by ASD founder Martin Eder with a reference to her previous career as a consumer reporter for KGTV Channel 10 — after fellow City Councilmember Donna Frye and former city attorney Mike Aguirre were unable to attend.

Participants and attendees were hopeful but also fearful of the Obama administration. Eder, McCray and Herron all stressed the need for progressives to stay mobilized and push Obama to the Left in the face of “business-as-usual” types in the Democratic party and the Washington establishment who will pressure him to govern from the center or the Right. While most people in the room spoke proudly of Obama and their role in helping his campaign, a few were more skeptical. At least two attendees wore “Billionaires for Obama” costumes — a new twist on the “Billionaires for Bush (or Gore)” effort in 2000, which argued — largely by citing the similar positions Bush and former vice-president Al Gore took during that campaign — that it didn’t really matter which one of them won.